ER Editor: We find Edouard Husson’s interpretation intriguing. It is sure that Le Pen bangs on tirelessly about one (by now, obvious) theme, the deleterious effects of immigration on France. This when the Gilets Jaunes were active for so long with so much legitimate grievance on their part; this when France has been horribly mismanaged during 14 months of a so-called ‘pandemic,’ when the entire population was illegally locked down, rendered terrified and poor. Her party totally bailed out on a recent late-night vote over the ‘health pass,‘ which effectively discriminates between French on the basis of their health status.
Her virtual silence on all these critical matters is extremely puzzling at best, suspicious at worst.
If she were not so prominently and stubbornly hogging the political landscape, France could do far better with a fresh creation of conservative politics, such as with Florian Philippot of the Patriot Party, Le Pen’s former deputy.
If Husson’s hypothesis is true, is Le Pen the counterpart of John McCain in the 2008 election battle which got Obama elected? Some believe McCain’s role was to throw the election in Obama’s favour.
A recent short piece by Valeurs Actuelles shows one of its members leaving Le Pen’s party because, in an effort to welcome people from other parties, it has compromised its core values on the family, religion and Frexit, among others. In other words, its basic character has changed. See A cause de “sujets intouchables”, Christelle Lechevalier quitte le RN. (Because of untouchable subjects, Christelle Lechavalier has left the RN party.)
When you talk to French people who would like to see genuine change in France, people variously say about her ‘she’s just ambitious and will do anything to get power’, ‘she’s been sold out’ or ‘she’s not very talented’. The point being, it’s hard to find something positive to say.
France certainly doesn’t have its best opponent to get rid of the globalist Great Reset agenda.
The Unmentionable Pact Between Macron and Le Pen That’s Paralysing France
Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen have agreed to block the French political game to their advantage and to the detriment of the French. Everything is happening as if there were an unspoken pact between the incumbent president and his unfortunate opponent of 2017. Emmanuel Macron is doing everything to ensure that Marine Le Pen is his opponent in the second round in 2022. The president of the Rassemblement National, on the other hand, is playing her part as the official opposition. And when she does it a little too well, a media jab at the “business” of the Rassemblement National happens. There should be no doubt about the end of the scenario – the scheduled re-election of Emmanuel Macron. How much longer will the Republic be able to endure this sham of a political battle?
The country is turned upside down. Not a day goes by without an outbreak of violence in a suburb (ER: where large immigrant populations are found). The debt is abysmal. The country has been plunged for over a year now into the calamitous management of a health crisis largely caused by the substitution of bureaucratic jobs for nursing jobs in hospitals. Hundreds of thousands of individuals whose work has been arbitrarily defined as “non-essential” by the government are threatened with bankruptcy and unemployment. Students are being abandoned by their university authorities and cases of depression are multiplying. After the Yellow Vests movement and the public refusal of the pension reform, we have seen the emergence of a rebellion of the military, which could be joined by police and prefects in the coming weeks.
Yet, as if all this did not exist, Emmanuel Macron is indulging in political maneuvering. It is a question of creating the conditions for a victory of the Rassemblement National in two key regions: PACA (ER: a region on the Mediterranean coast between Montpellier and the Italian border) and Hauts-de-France (the top-right most region of France, bordering the Channel and Belgium). In the first, we have witnessed for two weeks the live compromise of the LR leader (centre-right party, not Macron’s), Renaud Muselier, whose open rallying for LREM (Macron’s party) has made him lose essential voters, who have gone to the head of the list of the National Rally, a former LR who has not forgotten that he was right-wing. In the Hauts-de-France region, no less than five ministers have left to campaign, with Eric Dupond-Moretti and Gérard Darmanin (Macron’s ministers) at their head, in order to keep all its chances for LREM to cross the 10% mark despite the entrenchment of Xavier Bertrand (centre-right), the outgoing regional president, a declared candidate in the presidential election. Precisely, it is a question of bringing down Bertrand to make him give up running for the Elysée (the Presidency) next year. (ER: From this scenario we assume that Le Pen’s party would still take the region away from both Bertrand AND Macron’s party.)
It is easy to understand the scenario that Emmanuel Macron has in mind: two regional presidencies for the Rassemblement National would create a dynamic in favor of Marine Le Pen. The latter, to whom the polls promise at least 45% of the vote in the second round, would appear sufficiently dangerous for the electorate to mobilize in favor of the outgoing president and re-elect him.
The unmentionable pact
Given the state of the country, the first opponent of France (Le Pen’s party) is curiously stagnating at 25% in the first round polls. RN deputies are regularly absent from debates in the Assembly. Marine Le Pen has not really benefited from the Yellow Vests crisis, nor from the pension dispute (although she had supported the protesters). She did not exploit, beyond a few statements, the catastrophic management of the health crisis by the government. It is not from her but from a part of the army that, finally, the hardest questioning of the governmental weakness started, while the Islamist attacks on the French soil follow one another and the authority of the State is scorned in the suburbs. When Gérald Darmanin has the luxury of saying in a debate to Mrs. Le Pen that he finds her a bit soft, he puts his finger on what hurts.
It is not enough to say that a part of the notables of LR maintains a cordon sanitaire to explain that the president of the National Rally has not attempted any “meeting of the right”. And the bad faith of Geoffroy Roux de Bézieux, who says he does not want to meet her, does not change the fact that the boss of the employers notes that he has not been solicited by Marine Le Pen. Add that the latter has made a vacuum around her, governing her party on the mode of “Who is not with me is against me!” In addition, she has let go, after so many others, one of the most brilliant elements of the party, Jean Messiha, and that the constitution of the lists for the elections of next June has essentially consisted in removing the supporters of Marion Maréchal (her niece) within the party.
A general picture emerges that reveals an objective connivance of Marine Le Pen with Emmanuel Macron. It is as if there were a de facto pact between the two announced champions of the second round to follow a scenario written in advance.
The poor finances of the RN, the supreme weapon of Emmanuel Macron?
Obviously, given the bad state in which the country is, it is going to be difficult to follow the scenario that wants a repeat of the second round Emmanuel Macron/Marine Le Pen in May 2022. In recent weeks, the polls are not good for the President of the Republic and, mechanically, the president of the National Rally is approaching the “margin of error” in the second round polls: she has already been projected at 47% “plus or minus three points”.
Is this why we suddenly see in the Journal du Dimanche (French MSM) of May 16, 2021, the affair of fictitious jobs that would have been financed by the envelope of European parliamentary assistants? We must admit that the moment is opportune, while the National Rally is rubbing its hands with the prospect of winning two regions and promises an impressive dynamic next June, which should trigger the long-awaited rallies of the senior civil service and the business world.
In fact, a number of financial threats have long been hanging over Marine Le Pen’s party, which has long lived beyond its means. Moving the party headquarters and reducing the payroll would not have been enough to restore the situation.
In early 2019, André Murawski, regional adviser in Hauts-de-France, estimated the debt at 24 million – an increase of 785% since 2012. And this despite the increase in the public subsidy, which in the same period went from 1.8 to 5 million per year. In October 2019, Mediapart deemed to have enough evidence to affirm that a loan of eight million collected through the connections of a French businessman living in Africa and which had transited through the United Arab Emirates had bailed out the party’s coffers. A little later, it was learned that the Rassemblement National had succeeded in convincing its Russian creditors to postpone until 2028 the maturity of a loan of 9 million taken out in 2014 and which should have been repaid in 2019. At the beginning of 2020, Marine Le Pen launched a “great national loan” to save the party, the exact result of which is not known, but which will have constituted at best, only a breath of oxygen.
It is clear that, for Emmanuel Macron, the financial vulnerability, politically speaking, of Marine Le Pen, is a kind of supreme weapon if the scenario written in advance should go wrong. In September 2020, André Murawski had published in Atlantico a devastating X-ray of the party’s accounts; when one seeks to consult it today, the tables are redacted. Proof, if any were needed, that everything related to the RN’s finances lacks transparency. But the affair of the reimbursement of the campaign kits of 2012 or the European campaign of 2019, overcharged, reminds us that if it were necessary, the State would know how to put pressure on the party of Mrs. Le Pen.
“We must not despair about Hénin-Beaumont”, really?
The Rassemblement National attracts the votes of millions of sincere French people who would like to see the party emerge from the doldrums. What saves Madame Le Pen’s image is the fact that any attack by the political-media system, any legal action against the Rassemblement National is seen as further evidence of the sidelining of a part of the nation – through the persecution of its sincere spokesperson.
The reality is more sordid. Jean-Paul Sartre, when asked about the behavior of the Communist Party, very far from the hope that the working class put in it, would have said: “one should not despair Billancourt”. Whether or not the formula is authentic, history is repeating itself between the president of the National Rally and popular France. But let us refuse to say “Hénin-Beaumont should not be despaired of”. When the first great wave of deindustrialization of France came in the 1980s, the Communist Party was unable to defend working-class France. For too long, voters had been led to believe that this party was defending their interests.
The same is true of the National Rally today. It does not defend the interests it claims to take to heart. Marine Le Pen behaves as a “rentier of populism” and she is, whether she likes it or not, in collusion with Emmanuel Macron to maintain a presidential election scenario that would only prolong the decline of the country.
It is necessary to bring to light an unavowed and unmentionable pact.
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