The Attack of the New World Order on Italy: The Capaci Massacre 30 Years On

It was May 23, 1992 when Giovanni Falcone drove the Fiat Croma of his escort that accompanied him from Punta Raisi airport to Palermo.

With him were his wife Francesca Morvillo, and the driver Giuseppe Costanza who sat in the back that day.

In the procession of cars accompanying the Palermo magistrate there were also two other cars, the brown Fiat Croma in which agents Antonio Montinaro, Vito Schifani and Rocco Dicillo were traveling, and the blue Fiat Croma in which agents Paolo Capuzza, Gaspare were present. Cervello and Angelo Corbo.

At about 5:57 pm, according to the reconstruction of the official version, the remote control of the bomb placed under the motorway viaduct in which Judge Falcone was passing was activated by Giovanni Brusca.

The first car, that of agents Montinaro, Schifani and Dicillo, is thrown into a field of olive trees that was near the roadway. They all die instantly.

The car of Falcone and his wife Francesca is hit by a rain of debris and the tremendous impact throws both against the windshield of the car.

At that time they are still alive, but their injuries are very serious and both will die in the hours following the hospital.

The driver Giuseppe Costanza miraculously survived the massacre and is still alive today.

Never in Italy had the mafia managed to carry out such a sensational and well-designed operation that it would suggest an involvement of terrorist and military apparatuses that went well beyond the capabilities of the Cosa Nostra.

Capaci (ER: the name of the nearby town) is a unique massacre, probably also at an international level. A highway was blown up with 200 kg of quarry explosives. It seems impossible to think that it was only men like Giovanni Brusca or rather Totò Riina nicknamed Totò U Curtu who could achieve something like this.

It is also impossible that no one has noticed how in the previous days, a considerable amount of explosives had been placed under the highway without anyone noticing anything.

It is quite likely that the attackers used heavy vehicles to transport the TNT and T4 used to prepare the bomb.

The comings and goings of vehicles must have been frequent and it is difficult to think that this passage had not been noticed by anyone in the surrounding areas.

Just as it is impossible that the attackers knew the exact time when Falcone would have landed in Palermo without having some source from within to inform them of the magistrate’s movements and movements.

Capable for all its characteristics, it is therefore an event that appears completely impracticable without the involvement of traitors present in the institutions that gave the attackers the information necessary to carry out the massacre.

Without the former, it is impossible to know who are the true hidden instigators of the massacre that cost the lives of 5 people and that shocked Italy.

And in order to understand who these hidden principals are, it is necessary to look at what Falcone was working on in his last weeks of life.

Without looking at this time sequence, we cannot understand anything of what happened in those tragic days.

For thirty years the local press has offered us a sweetened and distorted reconstruction of the Capaci massacre.

We are repeatedly shown the images of Giovanni Brusca. We have been told all about the bizarre theory that Silvio Berlusconi would be among the hidden instigators of the attack, a theory that seems to have found a certain fortune among Montanellian liberal students, such as Peter Gomez and Marco Travaglio.

However, we are not told anything about what Giovanni Falcone was really doing before he died.

Falcone’s investigation into the black funds of the PCI

At the time of the events, Falcone was director general of criminal affairs, a post he had received from the then Minister of Justice, Claudio Martelli.

In the months before Capaci, Falcone receives a real request for help from Francesco Cossiga, president of the Republic.

Cossiga asks Falcone to shed light on the tide of black funds that had rained from Moscow after the war onwards into the coffers of the former Italian Communist Party.

There is talk of mind-boggling sums equal to 989 billion lire that passed from the coffers of the CPSU, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, to those of the PCI.

The policy of the CPSU was to finance and coordinate the activities of the brother communist parties in order to spread and expand everywhere the influence of Marxist and Leninist thought and of the USSR, which declared itself to be the guardian of that ideology.

This story is told in detail in a compelling book titled “Falcone’s Journey to Moscow” by Francesco Bigazzi and Valentin Stepankov, the Russian prosecutor who was collaborating with Falcone before he was killed.

The financing system of the CPSU was rather complex and often you risk getting lost in a dense maze of passages and underpasses in which it is often difficult to understand where the funds actually went.

The funds were provided by the Soviet Communist Party to its other satellites in the world and there is a trace of this in the papers examined by Stepankov.

Funds were received by the French Communist Party and even the American Communist Party represented by Gus Hall, who assured in Moscow all his commitment against American imperialism carried out by Ronald Reagan.

The Italian Communist Party, however, was the one that received the largest amount of funds because this was the strongest Communist Party in the West, and it was necessary from Moscow’s point of view to ensure constant support to keep open the possibility of moving Italy from orbit of the Atlantic pact to that of the Warsaw pact.

An eventuality that if it had ever occurred would have provoked not only the probable end of NATO itself but also a probable conflict between Washington and Moscow, who were competing for a fundamental country, then as now, for the balance of Europe and the world.

And it is from this perspective that the strategy of tension inspired and implemented by Atlantic circles to prevent Rome from getting too close to Moscow must be seen. (ER: Here, the NATO Gladio Operation is being referred to.)

In view of this strategy, it was necessary to hit the civilian population through terrorist groups, for example the Red Brigades, infiltrated by American intelligence circles to carry out sensational actions, above all the kidnapping and killing of Aldo Moro.

The blood spilled by Italy in the postwar period by the will of the so-called deep state of Washington was shed to prevent Italy from embarking on a political path that could have distanced it too much from the Euro-Atlantic sphere of domination, not so much to land in the Soviet one, but rather, according to Moro’s vision, in the field of countries not aligned with either bloc or with the other.

By 1992, this world had already collapsed and the so-called Soviet threat no longer existed. Chaos reigned in Moscow. An era was over and the USSR had collapsed not because of its elephantine structure, as a certain Atlanticist vulgate pretends to believe, but simply because it was decided to demolish it from the inside.

Perestroika, a Russian term for restructuring, of which the former secretary of the CPSU, Gorbachev, was a staunch supporter was what prepared the ground for the fall of the Soviet bloc.

Gorbachev was and is a character very close to the circles of globalism that matter, and was one of the first Soviets to be praised and supported by the Bilderberg group which in 1987 looks with keen interest and admiration at its opening to the Western world.

At Bilderberg there is the elite of world society in all its political, economic, financial and obviously mediatic derivations without which it would have been impossible to pursue the plans of this international para-government structure.

One of the prominent members of this club, David Rockefeller, warmly thanked some years later the exponents of the world press, especially the Anglo-Saxon one, for having kept quiet about the activities of this secret society that, without the silence of the media, would never have been able to carry on his plans undisturbed.

In the vision of these environments, the USSR, for which it is clear there is no nostalgia, had in any case become cumbersome and had to be removed.

The secretary of the Communist Party, Gorbachev, through his “reforms,” had a very fundamental role in the achievement of this goal.

The lords of Bilderberg had decided that the 90s should have been the years of globalization and the concentration of a power never seen before in the hands of NATO, which, in order to take place, had to go through the elimination of the opposite block, that of the Soviet Union.

The collapse of the USSR had a devastating impact on Russian post-Soviet society. Many leaders, 1,746, took their own lives. A number of deaths from suicide that is probably not emulated in the recent political history of any country.

Some of the suicides were quite anomalous, and it was thought that some influential Moscow notables actually committed suicide in order not to leak out the inconvenient truths they knew about party funding.

The great looting and sales of all that was the state’s public assets had begun in Moscow.

The USSR had come out of the era of collectivized ownership to enter that of the most ferocious and savage neoliberalism as it happened for the other Eastern European countries which were auctioned and bought by Anglo-American corporations.

Russian prosecutor Stepankov wanted to shed light on the huge amount of money that had gone out of the party’s coffers. He wanted to understand where all this money had gone and how it had been spent.

To do this, he asked for assistance from Italy and President Cossiga turned this request for help to the then director general of criminal affairs, Giovanni Falcone.

Falcone enthusiastically accepted and received the prosecutor Stepankov in his office in Rome to initiate that collaboration, unprecedented since the Second World War onwards, between Italy and the newly formed Russian federation.

At their first meeting, Falcone and Stepankov immediately like each other. Both recognize the integrity and determination indispensable for investigators determined to understand what had happened with the enormous amount of money that had left Moscow to end up in Italy.

The funds were allocated in dollars and then converted into lire, but in order to complete this step, the assistance of another party was required, which Falcone believed to be the mafia, which in this case would have acted in close contact with the former PCI.

The ties between the PCI and the mafia have not even been touched upon by the Italian mainstream media. The progressive left has given itself a sort of moral primacy in the fight against the mafia when this story and this investigation reveal instead its profound contiguity with the mafia phenomenon.

Falcone’s investigation risked disrupting Mani Pulite’s plan

Giovanni Falcone was determined to shed light on these ties, but did not make it in time. Once his collaboration with Stepankov began, his life was brutally cut short in the Capaci massacre.

A trip by the magistrate was planned in early June to Moscow to continue his collaboration with Stepankov.

The judge was approaching a rough truth that could have overwhelmed the then PDS (ER: the social-democrat party of its day) who had abandoned the hammer and sickle of the communist party two years earlier in the Bolognina turn inaugurated by Achille Occhetto.

The PCI was turning into a version of the Liberal Democratic Party very similar to that of the American Democratic Party.

The conversion process had already begun years earlier when Giorgio Napolitano began to go to Washington more and more often, who became a privileged interlocutor of the circles that matter in the United States, especially the Zionist and Atlanticist ones.

In Washington, they had probably already decided in those years that it was the new post-communist party to drag Italy into the hellish circle of globalization.

1992 was much more than the year of the judicial witch hunt. 1992 was an international operation decided in the circles of Anglo-Zionist power that had decided to get rid of a political class which, albeit with all its limitations, had been able on several occasions to contain exasperated Atlanticism and had been able to exercise its sovereignty as happened in Sigonella in 1984 and as happened also with the murder of Aldo Moro, who paid with his life the decision to make Italy independent from the influence of these transnational centers of power.

The script was therefore already written. The Clean Hands pool acted like a sniper. All the parties were overwhelmed by the judicial inquiries and all ended up under the media pillory of the rain of guarantee notices which, in that climate of popular lynching, amounted to an early sentence.

Craxi’s PSI was destroyed as well as Andreotti’s DC. Everyone was hit, but the investigations left the PDS intact “by chance”.

Yet the corruption of the so-called red cooperatives was well known, as was the corruption that existed in the Italian Communist Party, which received funds from a foreign power, then an enemy, and then recycled them through the probable assistance of mafia organizations.

This was the investigative hypothesis Giovanni Falcone was working on and this was the same hypothesis that immediately afterwards Paolo Borsellino, his brotherly friend and magistrate killed only 55 days later in Via d’Amelio.

The mafia had never gone that far, and it hadn’t gone that far because it was not within its capabilities. There is a single red thread that links these two massacres and this red thread leads beyond national borders.

It leads directly to those centers of power that had decided that all the wealth of the Italian public industry would be dismantled to be brought as a dowry to Anglo-Zionist finance.

These same global power centers had also decided that the new PDS should continue the dismantling of the Italian economy through its accession to the single currency.

And it was indeed so, except for the Berlusconian interlude of 94. The PDS brought Italy to the gallows of the euro and Maastricht, and deprived the country of monetary sovereignty by hooking it to the ball and chain of the single currency, a weapon of international finance.

And it was the disturbance of these balances that led to the premature death of the magistrates Falcone and Borsellino. Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino had got their hands on the high voltage wires. Those of a power so strong that it makes the mafia pale.

The two brilliant judges knew that the Mafia phenomenon could not be understood if one did not look at the upper floor, which was the one constituted by Freemasonry and financial power.

Cosa Nostra and the other organizations are only the labor of a much more powerful faceless power.

This is the truth that is not told to the Italians that, every year when these massacres are celebrated, they are submerged by a river of rhetoric or by a poor regime cinema that never touches the truth about what happened in those years and never touches the real power that carried out the coup d’état of 1992 and which bloodied Italy in the same year.

Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino are two figures who should be remembered not only for their heroism, but for their firm will and determination in doing their job, even if this meant paying with one’s life.

They did it all the way knowing they were challenging a power enormously stronger than them. They knew that at stake were international agendas and destinies decided by men sitting on the boards of banks and corporations who were the real directors of the mafia.

Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino should be remembered because they are two Italian heroes who opposed what the New World Order had decided for Italy and in order to do so they did not hesitate to sacrifice their lives.

Today, thirty years later, it seems that what happened in 1992 is about to close and Italy seems closer to starting a new phase in its history, one in which there could be a serious possibility of having sovereignty and an independence such as has not been achieved since 1945 onwards.

This new Italy cannot fail to start again from the examples left by Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino.

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